نشریه تاریخ اسلام و ایران
سال سی و سوم شماره 57 (بهار 1402)

After the occupation of Iran by the Allies in August 1941 and the resignation of Reza Shah, the fourteenth National Consultative Assembly election took place in a completely different atmosphere. During this election, the Tudeh party managed to secure some parliamentary seats mainly from the northern region that were under the occupation of the Soviet Army. However, one Tudeh party candidates, Taghi Fadakar, stood out in Isfahan. Isfahan  Located at the center of the country, Isfahan was not within the infiltration zone of neighboring north. Moreover, it was unlikely for a leftist candidate to win in a constituency known for its traditional and conservative culture. Hence, a separate study is necessary to analyze the fourteenth parliamentary election in Isfahan.The current research investigates the factors that were linked to the Tudeh party candidate’s victory in this election and presents the hypothesis that the main factor behind the success of Taqi Fadakar was a fragile coalition with two other conservative candidates, who had strong conflicts with the Tudeh Party. Using a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, by extracting data from the unpublished documents of the archive of the National Assembly, a statistical analysis of the vote counting results is presented. According to findings, despite the common belief, most of Taghi Fadakar’s votes comes from rural parts of the constituency, not labor society of Isfahan. Therefore, without the coalition and rural votes, Fadakar's success would have been almost impossible.

Because of its direct connection with the religious and political legitimacy of the leaders of this government, the issue of Fatimid ancestry has always been one of the most important topics for historians and genealogists contemporary to the Fatimid government and its successors. The importance of this issue has let to its use as a political document by the opponents of the Fatimid government, especially the Abbasid government in Baghdad. Among the new studies, there are few books on the Fatimids that do not discuss in advance the Fatimid lineage and the criticism of the opponents of the Alavi lineage of this government, mainly general discussions arising from the fundamental importance of this issue in the history of the Fatimids. Therefore, the issue of the Fatimids lineage, although widely known, has rarely been the subject of independent and rigorous scholarly study. The few scientific researches available in this area are also limited to the sketching and superficial criticism of the narrations in favor and against the Alevi lineage of the Fatimids. In this article, by adopting a comparative method, through the application of the qualitative content analysis technique, an attempt is made to confront the reports of a wide range of sources that agree and disagree with the official narrative of the Fatimid government, the existing research gap in this field is resolved and a scientific and appropriate answer is given to this fundamental question.

Considering the characteristics of Pahlavi government, a kind of contradiction, conflict, and challenge is formed between the nature of sovereign power and people's rights in the constitution, in which the role and performance of deputies as mediators between the people and sovereign power in the National Assembly becomes essential. Using a comparative-analytical approach, this research assesses the performance of Ali Dashti and Ahmad Akhgar, who were elected representatives from the Bushehr constituency. The research focuses on the interaction between sovereign power and people's rights taking into account their social background and political positions. By analyzing their votes, negotiations, and speeches in the National Assembly, the research aims to understand the role played by these two representatives in addressing this challenge. The content analysis of some of their documents, speeches, and negotiations in the parliamentary sessions, despite some similarities in the percentage of attention given to the rights of the people and the activities of these two representatives, reveals three different results in their performance: 1. The difference in the ratio between the number of speeches and the number of their presence in the different eras as representatives of Bushehr, 2. A percentage of the proposals obtained from the speeches of Ali Dashti coincides with the achievement of the objectives of the government, while no speech is recorded by Akhgar in this regard, 3. The different parliamentary disciplines of the two representatives, ultimately eclipse these results. It presents the parliamentary record far from the margins and closer to the people, and shows a different record with a kind of duality in thought and action.

Iranians have paid special attention to bath and bathing for a long time. Although they paid a lot of attention to bathing and observing hygiene and cleanliness during the Qajar period, as in previous periods, this study aims to find out the social distinctions that existed among the upper and lower classes of Iranian society in the Qajar era regarding the construction of a bath and the matter of bathing. is, show in this research, by using historical sources and descriptive-analytical method, an attempt was made to answer these questions by applying Bourdieu's theory of social differentiation: What was the view of the upper classes of Iranian society during the Qajar era on the construction of baths and the purpose of bathing; Did they have objective beyond maintaining health and cleanliness of the body? How did the lower classes of society perceive and engage with concept of bath and bathing? The premise of the research is based on the fact that although the purpose of the lower classes of society to go to the bathroom and take a bath was based on necessities such as cleaning the body in order to perform ablution and maintain cleanliness, hygiene and health, the purpose of the noble classes was to build a bathroom and The purpose of bathing, in addition to meeting the needs such as maintaining cleanliness, hygiene and health of the body, was that through the use of decorations in the construction of the bathroom or through entertainment, beautification and self-decoration during bathing, one's distinctive and distinctive features were also show reflect their distinctive and discriminating aspects to other strata and classes.

With the beginning of relations between Iran and the West, the crisis covered all spheres of life in Iranian society. Among these, the economic crisis emerged as a significant concern. several enlightened thinkers made endeavors to provide a solution for this crisis based on their understanding and vision. However, more intellectuals should have paid more attention to its roots. Ahmad Matin-Daftari was one of those who seriously reflected on this issue and offered solutions.The main issue of the article is the rereading of Ahmad Matin-Daftari's opinions on Iran's economic crisis and the government's role in solving this issue. The article's question is, what role did Matin-Daftari consider for the government in solving the economic crisis? This article hypothesizes that, unlike most intellectuals, Matin-Daftari sought to limit the role of the government and establish a national economy in Iran.The findings of this article show that Matin-Daftari believed that the government should refrain from direct interference in economic affairs and leave the work to private institutions and individuals. He also believed that the corruption of Iran's social organizations and political institutions is caused by the economy's domination over the government.

Pan-Islamism was the Ottoman Empire’s plan to limit and contain Russia’s expansionism. Their purpose was to bring the local Khans under one banner in the name of Islamic Unity to resist against Russia’s colonial policies. Ahmad Khan Donboli (1176-1200AH/1786-1762AD), the ruler of Khoy, in the Azerbaijan region, was an influential and powerful figure. Despite being a Shiite, the Ottoman government saw him as a valuable asset for the purposes of the Pan-Islamism and thus approached him. This study aimed to unravel Ahmad Khan’s position and role in Ottoman government’s regional policy and shed light on the dimensions of their collaboration. The present study also intended to answer the following questions: How much did Ahmad Khan cooperate with the Ottomans? What was the ruler of  Khoy’s purpose from collaborating with the Ottomans on their Pan-Islamism policy? Using historical Persian manuscripts, documents printed in the Ottoman Empire, and Ottoman historiographical resources, this study attempted to answer the above-mentioned questions by an analytic-descriptive method. The findings indicate that the cooperation between them was beyond mere exchange of ambassadors and correspondence and had move to a whole new level of joint military and intelligence collaboration against Islam’s enemies. Also, it was found that Ahmad Khan intended to upgrade his status from a local ruler to a claimant to the throne and to establish himself as an independent ruler in the absence of a powerful central government.

Social identity is a feeling and attitude that arises from being part of a social group. It invoves understanding and acknowledging  once’s membership in the group and how one presents themseves to others. It also includes individual's group membership. In the middle of the 6th century of Hijri, a book entitled Fażā’īḥ ul-Rawāfīż was written against the Shiites of Ray, and the Imami community of Ray nominated Šeikh Abd al- Jalil Qazvini to respond to this book. Qazvini Razi has provided us with the self/other dialectic to determine the social identity of the Imamiyyah of Ray by guaranteeing the quotations from the lost book of Fażā’īḥ ul-Rawāfīż.The current research aims to investigate the reflection of the social identity of Imamiyyah in the book of al-Naqż by the method of historical description and analysis and using library references, emphasizing the understanding of self/other, and according to the definition of social identity, shows others’s response to the redefinition of the Imami identity by Šeiḵ Abd al- Jalil. The findings indicate that Qazvini Razi has tried to redefine the social identity of the Aṯnā ‘Ašari Imamiyyah by narrowing the circle within the Imamiyyah group and differentiating it from some other Imami groups. Examining the other’s point of view in the books that were written after him in Ray and near it showed that there has been no change in determining the identity of Imamiyyah.